the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第18部分

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


atic　pursuit；　not　only　because　the　strongest　castles　were　unable　　to　withstand　a　bombardment；　but　because　the　skill　of　the　engineer；　of　　the　gunfounder；　and　of　the　artillerist　men　belonging　to　another　class　　than　the　nobilitywas　now　of　the　first　importance　in　a　campaign。　It　　was　felt；　with　regret；　that　the　value　of　the　individual；　which　had　been　　the　soul　of　the　small　and　admirably　organized　bands　of　mercenaries；　　would　suffer　from　these　novel　means　of　destruction；　which　did　their　　work　at　a　distance；　and　there　were　Condottieri　who　opposed　to　the　　utmost　the　introduction　at　least　of　the　musket；　which　had　lately　been　　invented　in　Germany。　We　read　that　Paolo　Vitelli；　while　recognizing　and　　himself　adopting　the　cannon；　put　out　the　eyes　and　cut　off　the　hands　of　　the　captured　'schioppettieri'　（arquebusiers）　because　he　held　it　　unworthy　that　a　gallant；　and　it　might　be　noble；　knight　should　be　　wounded　and　laid　low　by　a　common；　despised　foot　soldier。　On　the　whole；　　however；　the　new　discoveries　were　accepted　and　turned　to　useful　　account；　till　the　Italians　became　the　teachers　of　all　Europe；　both　in　　the　build…　ing　of　fortifications　and　in　the　means　of　attacking　them。　　Princes　like　Federigo　of　Urbino　and　Alfonso　of　Ferrara　acquired　a　　mastery　of　the　subject　compared　to　which　the　knowledge　even　of　　Maximilian　I　appears　superficial。　In　Italy；　earlier　than　elsewhere；　　there　existed　a　comprehensive　science　and　art　of　military　affairs；　　here；　for　the　first　time；　that　impartial　delight　is　taken　in　able　　generalship　for　its　own　sake；　which　might；　indeed；　be　expected　from　the　　frequent　change　of　party　and　from　the　wholly　unsentimental　mode　of　　action　of　the　Condottieri。　During　the　Milano…Venetian　war　of　1451　and　　1452；　between　Francesco　Sforza　and　Jacopo　Piccinino；　the　headquarters　　of　the　latter　were　attended　by　the　scholar　Gian　Antonio　Porcellio　dei　　Pandoni；　commissioned　by　Alfonso　of　Naples　to　write　a　report　of　the　　campaign。　It　is　written；　not　in　the　purest；　but　in　a　fluent　Latin；　a　　little　too　much　in　the　style　of　the　humanistic　bombast　of　the　day；　is　　modelled　on　Caesar's　Commentaries；　and　interspersed　with　speeches；　　prodigies；　and　the　like。　Since　for　the　past　hundred　years　it　had　been　　seriously　disputed　whether　Scipio　Africanus　or　Hannibal　was　the　　greater；　Piccinino　through　the　whole　book　must　needs　be　called　Scipio　　and　Sforza　Hannibal。　But　something　positive　had　to　be　reported　too　　respecting　the　Milanese　army；　the　sophist　presented　himself　to　Sforza；　　was　led　along　the　ranks；　praised　highly　all　that　he　saw；　and　promised　　to　hand　it　down　to　posterity。　Apart　from　him　the　Italian　literature　of　　the　day　is　rich　in　descriptions　of　wars　and　strategic　devices；　written　　for　the　use　of　educated　men　in　general　as　well　as　of　specialists；　while　　the　contemporary　narratives　of　northerners；　such　as　the　'Burgundian　　War'　by　Diebold　Schilling；　still　retain　the　shapelessness　and　matter…　of…fact　dryness　of　a　mere　chronicle。　The　greatest　_dilettante　_who　has　　ever　treated　in　that　character　of　military　affairs；　Machiavelli；　was　　then　busy　writing　his　'Arte　della　Guerra。'　But　the　development　of　the　　individual　soldier　found　its　most　complete　expression　in　those　public　　and　solemn　conflicts　between　one　or　more　pairs　of　combatants　which　were　　practiced　long　before　the　famous　'Challenge　of　Barletta'　（1503）。　The　　victor　was　assured　of　the　praises　of　poets　and　scholars；　which　were　　denied　to　the　northern　warrior。　The　result　of　these　combats　was　no　　longer　regarded　as　a　Divine　judgement；　but　as　a　triumph　of　personal　　merit；　and　to　the　minds　of　the　spectators　seemed　to　be　both　the　　decision　of　an　exciting　competition　and　a　satisfaction　for　the　honour　　of　the　army　or　the　nation。

It　is　obvious　that　this　purely　rational　treatment　of　warlike　affairs　　allowed；　under　certain　circumstances；　of　the　worst　atrocities；　even　in　　the　absence　of　a　strong　political　hatred；　as；　for　instance；　when　the　　plunder　of　a　city　had　been　promised　to　the　troops。　After　the　forty　　days'　devastation　of　Piacenza；　which　Sforza　was　compelled　to　permit　to　　his　soldiers　（1477）；　the　town　long　stood　empty；　and　at　last　had　to　be　　peopled　by　force。　Yet　outrages　like　these　were　nothing　compared　with　　the　misery　which　was　afterwards　brought　upon　Italy　by　foreign　troops；　　and　most　of　all　by　the　Spaniards；　in　whom　perhaps　a　touch　of　oriental　　blood；　perhaps　familiarity　with　the　spectacles　of　the　Inquisition；　had　　unloosed　the　devilish　element　of　human　nature。　After　seeing　them　at　　work　at　Prato；　Rome；　and　elsewhere；　it　is　not　easy　to　take　any　interest　　of　the　higher　sort　in　Ferdinand　the　Catholic　and　Charles　V　who　knew　　what　these　hordes　were；　and　yet　unchained　them。　The　mass　of　documents　　which　are　gradually　brought　to　light　from　the　cabinets　of　these　rulers　　will　always　remain　an　important　source　of　historical　information；　but　　from　such　men　no　fruitful　political　conception　can　be　looked　for。

The　Papacy

The　Papacy　and　the　dominions　of　the　Church　are　creations　of　so　peculiar　　a　kind　that　we　have　hitherto；　in　determining　the　general　　characteristics　of　Italian　States；　referred　to　them　only　occasionally。　　The　deliberate　choice　and　adaptation　of　political＇　expedients；　which　　gives　so　great　an　interest　to　the　other　States　is　what　we　find　least　of　　all　at　Rome；　since　here　the　spiritual　power　could　constantly　conceal　or　　supply　the　defects　of　the　temporal。　And　what　fiery　trials　did　this　　State　undergo　in　the　fourteenth　and　the　beginning　of　the　fifteenth　　century；　when　the　Papacy　was　led　captive　to　Avignon！　All；　at　first；　was　　thrown　into　confusion；　but　the　Pope　had　money；　troops；　and　a　great　　statesman　and　general；　the　Spaniard　Albornoz；　who　again　brought　the　　ecclesiastical　State　into　complete　subjection。　The　danger　of　a　final　　dissolution　was　still　greater　at　the　time　of　the　schism；　when　neither　　the　Roman　nor　the　French　Pope　was　rich　enough　to　reconquer　the　newly…　lost　State；　but　this　was　done　under　Martin　V；　after　the　unity　of　the　　Church　was　restored；　and　done　again　under　Eugenius　IV；　when　the　same　　danger　was　renewed。　But　the　ecclesiastical　State　was　and　remained　a　　thorough　anomaly　among　the　powers　of　Italy；　in　and　near　Rome　itself；　　the　Papacy　was　defied　by　the　great　families　of　the　Colonna；　Orsini；　　Savelli　and　Anguillara；　in　Umbria；　in　the　Marches；　and　in　Romagna；　　those　civic　republics　had　almost　ceased　to　exist；　for　whose　devotion　　the　Papacy　had　shown　so　little　gratitude；　their　place　had　been　taken　by　　a　crowd　of　princely　dynasties；　great　or　small；　whose　loyalty　and　　obedience　signified　little。　As　self…dependent　powers；　standing　on　their　　own　merits；　they　have　an　interest　of　their　own；　and　from　this　point　of　　view　the　most　important　of　them　have　already　been　discussed。

Nevertheless；　a　few　general　remarks　on　the　Papacy　can　hardly　be　　dispensed　with。　New　and　strange　perils　and　trials　came　upon　it　in　the　　course　of　the　fifteenth　century；　as　the　political　spirit　of　the　nation　　began　to　lay　hold　upon　it　on　various　sides；　and　to　draw　it　within　the　　sphere　of　its　action。　The　least　of　these　dangers　came　from　the　populace　　or　from　abroad；　the　most　serious　had　their　ground　in　the　characters　of　　the　Popes　themselves。

Let　us；　for　this　moment；　leave　out　of　consideration　the　countries　　beyond　the　Alps。　At　the　time　when　the　Papacy　was　exposed　to　mortal　　danger　in　Italy；　it　neither　received　nor　could　receive　the　slightest　　assistance　either　from　France；　then　under　Louis　XI；　or　from　England；　　distracted　by　the　Wars　of　the　Roses；　or　from　the　then　disorganized　　Spanish　monarchy；　or　from　Germany；　but　lately　betrayed　at　the　Council　　of　Basle。　In　Italy　itself　there　was　a　certain　number　of　instructed　and　　even　uninstructed　people　whose　national　vanity　was　flattered　by　the　　Italian　character　of　the　Papacy；　the　personal　interests　of　very　many　　depended　on　its　having　and　retaining　this　character；　and　vast　masses　of　　the　people　still　believed　in　the　virtue　of　the　Papal　blessing　and　　consecration；　among　them　notorious　transgressors　like　Vitelozzo　　Vitelli；　who　still　prayed　to　be　absolved　by　Alexander　VI；　when　the　　Pope's　son　had　him　strangled。　But　all　these　grounds　of　sympathy　put　　together　would　not　have　sufficed　to　save　the　Papacy　from　its　enemies；　　had　the　latter　been　really　in　earnest；　and　had　they　known　how　to　take　　advantage　of　the　envy　and　hatred　with　which　the　institution　was　　regarded。

And　at　the　very　time　when　the　prospect　of　help　from　without　was　so　　small；　the　most　dangerous　symptoms　appeared　within　the　Papacy　itself。　　Living　as　it　now　did；　and　acting　in　the　spirit　of　the　secular　Italian　　principalities；　it　was　compelled　to　go　through　the　same　dark　　experiences　as　they；　but　its　own　exceptional　nature　gave　a　peculiar　　color　to　the　shadows。

As　far　as　the　city　of　Rome　itself　is　concerned；　small　account　was　taken　　of　its　internal　agitations；　so　many　were　the　Popes　who　had　returned　　after　being　expelled　by　popular　tumult；　and　so　greatly　did　the　presence　　of　the　Curia　minister　to　the　interests　of　the　Roman　people。　But　Rome　　not　only　displayed　at　times　a　specific　anti…papal　radicalism；　but　in　　the　most　serious　plots　which　were　then　contrived；　gave　proof　of　the　　working　of　unseen　hands　from　without。　It　was　so　in　the　case　of　the　　conspiracy　of　Stefano　Porcari　against　Nicholas　V　（1453）；　the　very　Pope　　who　had