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sensible degree will necessarily be viewed with the liveliest 
apprehension by the gentlemanly statesmen of the old school; by 
the kept classes; and by the captains of finance。 It will be 
deplored as a subversion of the economic order; a destruction of 
the country's wealth; a disorganisation of industry; and a sure 
way to poverty; bloodshed; and pestilence。 In point of fact; of 
course; what such a project may be counted on to subvert is that 
dominion of ownership by which the vested interests control and 
retard the rate and volume of production。 The destruction of 
wealth; in such a case will touch; directly; only the value of 
the securities; not the material objects to which these 
securities have given title of ownership; it would be a 
disallowance of ownership; not a destruction of useful goods。 Nor 
need any disorganisation or disability of productive industry 
follow from such a move; indeed; the apprehended cancelment of 
the claims to income covered by negotiable securities would by 
that much cancel the fixed overhead charges resting on industrial 
enterprise; and so further production by that much。 But for those 
persons and classes whose keep is drawn from prescriptive rights 
of ownership or of privilege the consequences of such a shifting 
of ground from vested interest to tangible performance would 
doubtless be deplorable。 In short; 〃Bolshevism is a menace〃; and 
the wayfaring man out of Armenia will be likely to ask: A menace 
to whom? 
 
Chapter 8 
 
The Vested Interests and the Common Man 
 
    In the eighteenth century certain principles of enlightened 
common sense were thrown into formal shape and adopted by the 
civilised peoples of that time to govern the system of law and 
order; use and wont; under which they chose to live。 So far as 
concerns economic relations the principles which so became 
incorporated into the system of civilised law and custom at that 
time were the principles of equal opportunity; 
self…determination; and self…help。 Chief among the specific 
rights by which this civilised scheme of equal opportunity and 
self…help were to be safeguarded were the rights of free contract 
and security of property。 These make up the substantial core of 
that system of principles which is called the modern point of 
view; in so far as concerns trade; industry; investment; credit 
obligations; and whatever else may properly be spoken of as 
economic institutions。 And these still stand over today; 
paramount among the inalienable rights of all free citizens in 
all free countries; they are the groundwork of the economic 
system as it runs today; and this existing system can undergo no 
material change of character so long as these paramount rights of 
civilised men continue to be inalienable。 Any move to set these 
rights aside would be subversive of the modern economic order; 
whereas no revision or alteration of established rights and 
usages will amount to a revolutionary move; so long as it does 
not disallow these paramount economic rights。 
    When the constituent principles of the modern point of view 
were accepted and the modern scheme of civilised life was 
therewith endorsed by the civilised peoples; in the eighteenth 
century; these rights of self…direction and self…help were 
counted on as the particular and sufficient safeguard of equity 
and industry in any civilised country。 They were counted on to 
establish equality among men in all their economic relations and 
to maintain the industrial system at the highest practicable 
degree of productive efficiency。 They were counted on to give 
enduring effect to the rule of Live and Let Live。 And such is 
still the value ascribed to these rights in the esteem of modern 
men。 The maintenance of law and order still means primarily and 
chiefly the maintenance of these rights of ownership and 
pecuniary obligation。 
    But things have changed since that time in such a way that 
the rule of Live and Let Live is no longer completely safeguarded 
by maintaining these rights in the shape given them in the 
eighteenth century;  or at least there are large sections of 
the people in these civilised countries who are beginning to 
think so; which is just as good for practical purposes。 Things 
have changed in such a way since that time; that the ownership of 
property in large holdings now controls the nation's industry; 
and therefore it controls the conditions of life for those who 
are or wish to be engaged in industry; at the same time that the 
same ownership of large wealth controls the markets and thereby 
controls the conditions of life for those who have to resort to 
the markets to sell or to buy。 In other words; it has come to 
pass with the change of circumstances that the rule of Live and 
Let Live now waits on the discretion of the owners of large 
wealth。 In fact; those thoughtful men in the eighteenth century 
who made so much of these constituent principles of the modern 
point of view did not contemplate anything like the system of 
large wealth; large…scale industry; and large…scale commerce and 
credit which prevails today。 They did not foresee the new order 
in industry and business; and the system of rights and 
obligations which they installed; therefore; made no provision 
for the new order of things that has come on since their time。 
    The new order has brought the machine industry; corporation 
finance; big business; and the world market; Under this new order 
in business and industry; business controls industry。 Invested 
wealth in large holdings controls the country's industrial 
system; directly by ownership of the plant; as in the mechanical 
industries; or indirectly through the market; as in farming。 So 
that the population of these civilised countries now falls into 
two main classes: those who own wealth invested in large holdings 
and who thereby control the conditions of life for the rest; and 
those who do not own wealth in sufficiently large holdings; and 
whose conditions of life are therefore controlled by these 
others。 It is a division; not between those who have something 
and those who have nothing  as many socialists would be 
inclined to describe it  but between those who own wealth 
enough to make it count; and those who do not。 
    And all the while the scale on which the control of industry 
and the market is exercised goes on increasing; from which it 
follows that what was large enough for assured independence 
yesterday is no longer large enough for tomorrow。 Seen from 
another direction; it is at the same time a division between 
those who live on free income and those who live by work;  a 
division between the kept classes and the underlying community 
from which their keep is drawn。 It is sometimes spoken of in this 
bearing  particularly by certain socialists  as a division 
between those who do no useful work and those who do; but this 
would be a hasty generalisation; since not a few of those persons 
who have no assured free income also do no work that is of 
material use; as e。g。; menial servants。 But the gravest 
significance of this cleavage that so runs through the population 
of the advanced industrial countries lies in the fact that it is 
a division between the vested interests and the common man。 It is 
a division between those who control the conditions of work and 
the rate and volume of output and to whom the net output of 
industry goes as free income; on the one hand; and those others 
who have the work to do and to whom a livelihood is allowed by 
these persons in control; on the other hand。 In point of numbers 
it is a very uneven division; of course。 
    A vested interest is a legitimate right to get something for 
nothing; usually a prescriptive right to an income which is 
secured by controlling the traffic at one point or another。 The 
owners of such a prescriptive right are also spoken of as a 
vested interest。 Such persons make up what are called the kept 
classes。 But the kept classes also comprise many persons who are 
entitled to a free income on other grounds than their ownership 
and control of industry or the market; as; e。g。; landlords and 
other persons classed as 〃gentry;〃 the clergy; the Crown  where 
there is a Crown  and its agents; civil and military。 
Contrasted with these classes who make up the vested interests; 
and who derive an income from the established order of ownership 
and privilege; is the common man。 He is common in the respect 
that he is not vested with such a prescriptive right to get 
something for nothing。 And he is called common because such is 
the common lot of men under the new order of business and 
industry; and such will continue (increasingly) to be the common 
lot so long as the enlightened principles of secure ownership and 
self…help handed down from the eighteenth century continue to 
rule human affairs by help of the new order of industry。 
    The kept classes; whose free income is secured to them by the 
legitimate rights of the vested interests; are less numerous than 
the common man  less numerous by some ninety…five per cent or 
thereabouts  and less serviceable to the comm

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