the new machiavelli-第61部分

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always　shown　itself　just　as　constructive　and　collectivist　as　any　

other　party。　　The　great　landowners　have　been　as　well…disposed　

towards　the　endowment　of　higher　education；　and　as　willing　to　co…

operate　with　the　Church　in　protective　and　mildly　educational　

legislation　for　children　and　the　working　class；　as　any　political　

section。　　The　financiers；　too；　are　adventurous…spirited　and　eager　

for　mechanical　progress　and　technical　efficiency。　　They　are　prepared　

to　spend　public　money　upon　research；　upon　ports　and　harbours　and　

public　communications；　upon　sanitation　and　hygienic　organisation。　　A　

certain　rude　benevolence　of　public　intention　is　equally　

characteristic　of　the　liquor　trade。　　Provided　his　comfort　leads　to　

no　excesses　of　temperance；　the　liquor　trade　is　quite　eager　to　see　

the　common　man　prosperous；　happy；　and　with　money　to　spend　in　a　bar。　　

All　sections　of　the　party　are　aggressively　patriotic　and　favourably　

inclined　to　the　idea　of　an　upstanding；　well…fed；　and　well…exercised　

population　in　uniform。　　Of　course　there　are　reactionary　landowners　

and　old…fashioned　country　clergy；　full　of　localised　self…importance；　

jealous　even　of　the　cottager　who　can　read；　but　they　have　neither　the　

power　nor　the　ability　to　retard　the　constructive　forces　in　the　party　

as　a　whole。　　On　the　other　hand；　when　matters　point　to　any　definitely　

confiscatory　proposal；　to　the　public　ownership　and　collective　

control　of　land；　for　example；　or　state　mining　and　manufactures；　or　

the　nationalisation　of　the　so…called　public…house　or　extended　

municipal　enterprise；　or　even　to　an　increase　of　the　taxation　of　

property；　then　the　Conservative　Party　presents　a　nearly　adamantine　

bar。　　It　does　not　stand　for；　it　IS；　the　existing　arrangement　in　

these　affairs。



Even　more　definitely　a　class　party　is　the　Labour　Party；　whose　

immediate　interest　is　to　raise　wages；　shorten　hours　of　labor；　

increase　employment；　and　make　better　terms　for　the　working…man　

tenant　and　working…man　purchaser。　　Its　leaders　are　no　doubt　

constructive　minded；　but　the　mass　of　the　following　is　naturally　

suspicious　of　education　and　discipline；　hostile　to　the　higher　

education；　andexcept　for　an　obvious　antagonism　to　employers　and　

property　ownersalmost　destitute　of　ideas。　　What　else　can　it　be？　　

It　stands　for　the　expropriated　multitude；　whose　whole　situation　and　

difficulty　arise　from　its　individual　lack　of　initiative　and　

organising　power。　　It　favours　the　nationalisation　of　land　and　

capital　with　no　sense　of　the　difficulties　involved　in　the　process；　

but；　on　the　other　hand；　the　equally　reasonable　socialisation　of　

individuals　which　is　implied　by　military　service　is　steadily　and　

quite　naturally　and　quite　illogically　opposed　by　it。　　It　is　only　in　

recent　years　that　Labour　has　emerged　as　a　separate　party　from　the　

huge　hospitable　caravanserai　of　Liberalism；　and　there　is　still　a　

very　marked　tendency　to　step　back　again　into　that　multitudinous　

assemblage。



For　multitudinousness　has　always　been　the　Liberal　characteristic。　　

Liberalism　never　has　been　nor　ever　can　be　anything　but　a　diversified　

crowd。　　Liberalism　has　to　voice　everything　that　is　left　out　by　these　

other　parties。　　It　is　the　party　against　the　predominating　interests。　　

It　is　at　once　the　party　of　the　failing　and　of　the　untried；　it　is　the　

party　of　decadence　and　hope。　　From　its　nature　it　must　be　a　vague　and　

planless　association　in　comparison　with　its　antagonist；　neither　so　

constructive　on　the　one　hand；　nor　on　the　other　so　competent　to　

hinder　the　inevitable　constructions　of　the　civilised　state。　　

Essentially　it　is　the　party　of　criticism；　the　〃Anti〃　party。　　It　is　a　

system　of　hostilities　and　objections　that　somehow　achieves　at　times　

an　elusive　common　soul。　　It　is　a　gathering　together　of　all　the　

smaller　interests　which　find　themselves　at　a　disadvantage　against　

the　big　established　classes；　the　leasehold　tenant　as　against　the　

landowner；　the　retail　tradesman　as　against　the　merchant　and　the　

moneylender；　the　Nonconformist　as　against　the　Churchman；　the　small　

employer　as　against　the　demoralising　hospitable　publican；　the　man　

without　introductions　and　broad　connections　against　the　man　who　has　

these　things。　　It　is　the　party　of　the　many　small　men　against　the　

fewer　prevailing　men。　　It　has　no　more　essential　reason　for　loving　

the　Collectivist　state　than　the　Conservatives；　the　small　dealer　is　

doomed　to　absorption　in　that　just　as　much　as　the　large　owner；　but　it　

resorts　to　the　state　against　its　antagonists　as　in　the　middle　ages　

common　men　pitted　themselves　against　the　barons　by　siding　with　the　

king。　　The　Liberal　Party　is　the　party　against　〃class　privilege〃　

because　it　represents　no　class　advantages；　but　it　is　also　the　party　

that　is　on　the　whole　most　set　against　Collective　control　because　it　

represents　no　established　responsilibity。　　It　is　constructive　only　

so　far　as　its　antagonism　to　the　great　owner　is　more　powerful　than　

its　jealousy　of　the　state。　　It　organises　only　because　organisation　

is　forced　upon　it　by　the　organisation　of　its　adversaries。　　It　lapses　

in　and　out　of　alliance　with　Labour　as　it　sways　between　hostility　to　

wealth　and　hostility　to　public　expenditure。　。　。　。



Every　modern　European　state　will　have　in　some　form　or　other　these　

three　parties：　the　resistent；　militant；　authoritative；　dull；　and　

unsympathetic　party　of　establishment　and　success；　the　rich　party；　

the　confused；　sentimental；　spasmodic；　numerous　party　of　the　small；　

struggling；　various；　undisciplined　men；　the　poor　man's　party；　and　a　

third　party　sometimes　detaching　itself　from　the　second　and　sometimes　

reuniting　with　it；　the　party　of　the　altogether　expropriated　masses；　

the　proletarians；　Labour。　　Change　Conservative　and　Liberal　to　

Republican　and　Democrat；　for　example；　and　you　have　the　conditions　in　

the　United　States。　　The　Crown　or　a　dethroned　dynasty；　the　

Established　Church　or　a　dispossessed　church；　nationalist　secessions；　

the　personalities　of　party　leaders；　may　break　up；　complicate；　and　

confuse　the　self…expression　of　these　three　necessary　divisions　in　

the　modern　social　drama；　the　analyst　will　make　them　out　none　the　

less　for　that。　。　。　。



And　then　I　came　back　as　if　I　came　back　to　a　refrain；the　ideas　go　

onas　though　we　are　all　no　more　than　little　cells　and　corpuscles　in　

some　great　brain　beyond　our　understanding。　。　。　。



So　it　was　I　sat　and　thought　my　problem　out。　。　。　。　　I　still　remember　

my　satisfaction　at　seeing　things　plainly　at　last。　　It　was　like　

clouds　dispersing　to　show　the　sky。　　Constructive　ideas；　of　course；　

couldn't　hold　a　party　together　alone；　〃interests　and　habits；　not　

ideas；〃　I　had　that　now；　and　so　the　great　constructive　scheme　of　

Socialism；　invading　and　inspiring　all　parties；　was　necessarily　

claimed　only　by　this　collection　of　odds　and　ends；　this　residuum　of　

disconnected　and　exceptional　people。　　This　was　true　not　only　of　the　

Socialist　idea；　but　of　the　scientific　idea；　the　idea　of　veracityof　

human　confidence　in　humanityof　all　that　mattered　in　human　life　

outside　the　life　of　individuals。　。　。　。　　The　only　real　party　that　

would　ever　profess　Socialism　was　the　Labour　Party；　and　that　in　the　

entirely　one…sided　form　of　an　irresponsible　and　non…constructive　

attack　on　property。　　Socialism　in　that　mutilated　form；　the　teeth　and　

claws　without　the　eyes　and　brain；　I　wanted　as　little　as　I　wanted　

anything　in　the　world。



Perfectly　clear　it　was；　perfectly　clear；　and　why　hadn't　I　seen　it　

before？　。　。　。　　I　looked　at　my　watch；　and　it　was　half…past　two。



I　yawned；　stretched；　got　up　and　went　to　bed。







9





My　ideas　about　statecraft　have　passed　through　three　main　phases　to　

the　final　convictions　that　remain。　　There　was　the　first　immediacy　of　

my　dream　of　ports　and　harbours　and　cities；　railways；　roads；　and　

administered　territoriesthe　vision　I　had　seen　in　the　haze　from　

that　little　church　above　Locarno。　　Slowly　that　had　passed　into　a　

more　elaborate　legislative　constructiveness；　which　had　led　to　my　

uneasy　association　with　the　Baileys　and　the　professedly　constructive　

Young　Liberals。　　To　get　that　ordered　life　I　had　realised　the　need　of　

organisation；　knowledge；　expertness；　a　wide　movement　of　co…ordinated　

methods。　　On　the　individual　side　I　thought　that　a　life　of　urgent　

industry；　temperance；　and　close　attention　was　indicated　by　my　

perception　of　these　ends。　　I　married　Margaret　and　set　to　work。　　But　

something　in　my　mind　refused　from　the　outset　to　accept　these　

determinations　as　final。　　There　was　always　a　doubt　lurking　below；　

always　a　faint　resentment；　a　protesting　criticism；　a　feeling　of　

vitally　important　omissions。



I　arrived　at　last　at　the　clear　realisation　that　my　political　

associates；　and　I　in　my　association　with　them；　were　oddly　narrow；　

priggish；　and　unreal；　that　the　Socialists　with　whom　we　were　

attempting　co…operation　were　preposterously　irrelevant　to　their　own　

theories；　that　my　political　life　didn't　in　some　way　comprehend　more